AGRICULTURA





O desenvolvimento da agricultura é considerado um dos factores fundamentais de intervenção do Homem no quadro natural. O processo de sedentarização humana e a consequente domesticação de animais e plantas implicaram a mais evidente mudança(1). Foi o coumt de Buffon quem primeiro se deu conta deste impacto, sendo secundado por George Perkins Marsh em 1864 com "Man and Nature".

Para além dos estudos que tratam de História de Agricultura temos que evidenciar aqueles que estabelecem uma relação deste sector de actividade com a Ecologia(2) e da perspectiva de uma intervenção harmónica através de uma agricultura sustentada(3). Neste contexto é evidente o papel assumido pela cana de açúcar, cujos efeitos devastadores são notórios nas áreas onde a cultura se fez(4)

Josué de Castro(5) traça-nos o retrato violento da cana de açúcar: "Já afirmou alguém, com muita razão, que o cultivo da cana de açúcar se processa em regime de autofagia: a cana devorando tudo em torno de si, engolindo terras e mais terras, dissolvendo o húmus do solo, aniquilando as pequenas culturas indefesas e o próprio capital humano, do qual a sua cultura tira toda a vida. E é a pura verdade... Donde a caracterização inconfundível das diferentes áreas geográficas açucareiras, com seu ciclo económico, com as fases de rápida ascensão, de esplendor transitório e de irremediável decadência. ". Esta ideia é corroborada por Mário Lacerda de Melo(6): "Dificilmente se encontrarão formas de utilização dos recursos dos solos que se possam rivalizar com a agro industria canavieira quanto à capacidade de condicionar um tipo de sociedade e de economia, de modelar um tipo de paisagem e de estruturar um tipo de arranjo económico do espaço".

A cana de açúcar poderá ser considerada como a cultura agrícola mais importante da História da Humanidade, pois provocou o maior fenómeno em termos de mobilidade humana, económica, comercial e ecológica. A sua afirmação como cultura agrícola é milenar e abrange vários quadrantes do planeta. É de todas as plantas domesticadas pelo Homem aquela que acarreta maiores exigências. Ela quase que escraviza o homem, esgota o solo, devora a floresta e dessedenta os cursos de água.

A sua exploração intensiva desde o século XV gerou grandes exigências em termos de mão-de-obra, sendo responsável pela maior fenómeno migratório à escala mundial que teve por palco o Atlântico: a escravatura de milhões de africanos. Ligado a tudo isso está também um conjunto variado de manifestações culturais que vão desde a literatura à musica e à dança.

Foi o Oriente descobriu a doçura, tendo a Papua Nova Guiné como Berço. Os árabes fizeram-no chegar ao ocidente e foram os principais arautos da sua expansão. Genoveses e venezianos encarregaram-se do seu comércio e Europa. Mas é nas ilhas que ela encontrou um dos principais viveiros da sua afirmação e divulgação no Ocidente: Creta e Sicília no Mediterrâneo, Madeira, Açores, Canárias, Cabo Verde e S. Tomé no Atlântico Oriental Puerto Rico, Cuba, Jamaica, Demerara(…) nas Antilhas.

A realidade sócio-económica que serve de suporte ao açúcar diferencia-se no seu percurso do Pacífico/Índico para o Mediterrâneo/Atlântico. Assim, no primeiro caso não assume a posição dominante na economia, primando pelo carácter secundário, enquanto no segundo é patente o seu efeito dominador na economia e sociedade/associação ao escravo, que começa no Mediterrâneo e se reforça no Atlântico.

A cana, tal como afirma Josué de Castro(7), é autofágica. A realidade histórica dos últimos cinco séculos, em que ela assumiu um estatuto de produção em larga escala, assim o confirma. Aquilo que aconteceu na Madeira dos séculos XV e XVI, repetiu-se nas Canárias, Caraíbas e só não atingiu idênticas proporções no Brasil, porque a mata atlântica era extensa. Mesmo assim aqui os problemas, embora mais tarde, também tiveram lugar. Gilberto Freire(8) afirma que "o canavial desvirginou todo esse mato grosso de modo mais cru pela queimada. A cultura da cana… valorizou o canavial e tornou desprezível a mata".

O processo é simples. Para plantar a cana derruba-se ou queima-se a floresta. Depois para fabricar o açúcar essa floresta faz falta para manter acesa a chama dos engenhos, ou construir estas infra-estruturas. A cana tem na floresta o seu maior amigo e inimigo. Um exemplo apenas evidencia a dimensão que assumiu este processo.

Para o Brasil no século XVIII cada quilo de açúcar equivale a 15 kg de lenha queimada, dando média anual de 210.000 toneladas. A cada hectare deverá corresponder 200 toneladas(9). A evolução recente da mata atlântica no Brasil, passados mais de cem anos sobre o incremento da máquina a vapor nos engenhos, continua a ser tragada por outros agentes. Assim entre 1985 a 1990 ela perdeu 5.330 km2, ficando em 83.500km2, isto cerca de 8% da floresta encontrada portugueses em 22 de Abril de 1500. Esta continuada acção devastadora é assim descrita:

"Durante quinhentos anos, a Mata Atlântica propiciou lucros fáceis: papagaios, corantes, escravos, ouro, ipecacuanha, orquídeas e madeira para o proveito de seus senhores coloniais e, queimada e devastada, uma camada imensamente fértil de cinzas que possibilitavam uma agricultura passiva, imprudente e insustentável. A população crescia cada vez mais, o capital "se acumulava", enquanto as florestas desapareciam; mais capital então "se acumulava" - em barreiras à erosão de terras de lavoura, em aquedutos, controle de fluxos e enchentes de rios, equipamentos de dragagem, terras de mata plantada e a industrialização de sucedâneos para centenas de produtos outrora apanhados de graça na floresta. Nenhuma restrição se observou durante esse meio milénio de gula, muito embora, quase desde o início, fossem entoadas intermitentes interdições solenes que, nos dias atuais, são contínuas e frenéticas."(10)

Esta situação, não obstante a extensa mata disponível, provocou alguns problemas. Deste modo em 1660 o município de Salvador da Baía definiu um conjunto de medidas, que não foram suficientes uma vez que em 1804 no Recôncavo era evidente a falta de lenhas e madeiras(11). O desaparecimento da floresta próxima dos engenhos fazia aumentar os custos de fabrico do açúcar, agora onerados com os da lenha.

O processo é similar nas regiões que antecederam o boom do açúcar americano. Senão vejamos. Em Motril a primeira metade do século XVI é definida por uma situação de quebra da produção açucareira, atribuída à falta de lenhas, o que levou a uma tomada de medidas desde 1540(12). A situação repete-se na Madeira e Canárias(13), o que provoca uma reacção dos proprietários de engenho, materializada em medidas exaradas em ordens régias e posturas Municipais(14).

As ilhas, pela limitação do seu espaço, são as primeiras a ressentir-se desta realidade. Sucede assim em ambos os lados do Atlântico, apontando-se como única excepção as ilhas de S. Tomé e Príncipe. Nas Caraíbas a situação é igual. A ilha de Santo Domingo, hoje Haiti e Rep. Dominicana, a cultura da cana teve um apogeu curto de pouco mais de cinquenta anos, pois que em 1550 a notória escassez de lenha conduziu ao abandono de muitos engenhos desde 1570. Já em Jamaica, a promoção pelos ingleses da cultura, levou à busca de soluções. Primeiro o trem jamaicano que terá sido a solução mais eficaz. Com este sistema de fornalha o aproveitamento de lenha era evidente, pois apenas com uma só fogueira se conseguia manter as três fornalhas. Concomitantemente tivemos o recurso ao bagaço como combustível. Note-se que ambas as situações difundem-se primeiro nas Antilhas inglesas a partir da década de oitenta do século XVII e só depois atingem as demais áreas açucareiras(15).

A generalização deste sistema aconteceu primeiro nas ilhas, carentes de lenha, e só depois chegou ao Brasil. A sua entrada definitiva na industria açucareira do Brasil é de 1806, altura em que Manuel Ferreira da Câmara, na Baía, adaptou o seu engenho a esta nova situação. Todavia nesta época a grande inovação era já a maquina a vapor, que começou a ser usada no Brasil a partir de 1815. Entretanto a Caldeira de vacum, inventada em 1830 por Norbert Rillius de New Orleans, foi a técnica que revolucionou o fabrico do açúcar e que mais contribuiu para a economia de combustível.

Todavia não se fica por aqui os efeitos negativos da actividade agrícola no quadro natural. Vários são os estudos que nos elucidam sobre os efeitos resultantes da domesticação de animais e plantas, processo que ocorre a partir de 800 A.C. Daniel E. Vasey[1992] traça-nos esse processo e evidencia as transformações ocorridas a partir da segunda metade do século XIX com o recurso a adubos quimicos, pesticidas e herbicidas. Foi, aliàs, de acordo com este quadro que no após II Grande Guerra surgiu o grito de Rachel Carson[1962] face a uma Primavera de silêncio e clama para que todos a entendam: The history of life on earth has been a history of interaction between living hings and their surroundings.(…) The most alarming of all man's assaults upon the environment is the contamination of air ,earth, rivers, and sea with dangerous and even lethal materials"(16). Foi este grito ecologico sobre os efeitos dos produtos quimicos que fez despertar a consciência de políticos, cientistas, fazendo despoletar a afirmação do movimento e das publicações científicas e Historiográficas.

 

 

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1. Andrew Goudie, 1994, p. 20: "Both the domestication of animals and cultivation of plants have been among the most significant causes of human impact". Cf. P. Ucko, 1969.

2. A. Bergeret, 1997, N. Gligo, 1986, D. Vasey, 1992, W. Weischet, 1993, D. Helms, 1993, John Jones, 1993, B. Glaeser, 1995.

3. G. Douglas, 1984, N. Jackson, 1984, M. Hatfield, 1994, Miguel Altieri, 1995, L. Burssarard, 1997..

4. Cf. para Antilhas David Watts, 1987.

5. Geografia da Fome, R. Janeiro, 1952, p.73

6. O Açúcar e o homem, 1975

7. Josué de CASTRO, Geografia da Fome, R. Janeiro, 1952, p.73

8. Nordeste- aspectos da influência da cana sobre a vida e a paisagem do nordeste do Brasil, R. Janeiro, 1985

9. Warren DEAN, A ferro e fogo. A História e a devastação da mata atlântica brasileira, S. Paulo, 1995, pp.191-196

10. Ibidem, 380

11. Shawn W. MILLER, "Fuelwood in colonial Brazil: The economic consequences of fuel depletion for the Bahian Recôncavo, 1549-1820", in Forest and Conservation History, XXXVIII, 1994, pp. 181-192

12. Antonio MALPICA CUELLO, "Medio físico y territorio- el ejemplo de la caña de azúcar a finales de la edad media", in Paisajes del azucar, Actas del quinto seminario internacional sobre la caña de azúcar", motril, 1995, p.34; Margarita M. BIRRIEL SALCEDO, "la producción azucarera de la Andalucía mediterránea. 1500-1750", in Producción y comercio del azúcar de caña en época preindustrial, Actas del tercer seminario d internacional, Motril, 1993, p.130.

13. Cf. James J. PARSONS, "Human influences on the pine and laurel forests of the Canary islands", in Geographical Review, LXXI, nº.3, 1981, pp.253-271

14. Alberto VIEIRA,"introdução a estudo do direito local insular", in VII Colóquio de História Canario americana(1986), Las Palmas, 673-712

15.. confronte-se David WATTS, Las Indias Occidentales. Modalidades de desarollo, cultura y cambio medioambiental desd 1492, Madrid, 1992

16. Silent Spring, p.23.